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Farage must target Starmer’s anti-Christian neo-Marxism


NIGEL Farage will require his considerable persuasive powers to spell out the cultural and moral dangers of a Labour government led by Sir Keir Starmer if he is to head an effective right-of-centre opposition after July 4.

In the BBC’s seven-party election debate on June 7 he called Starmer ‘Blair without the flair’. But he will need to do more to educate the electorate about the determined and effective force for entrenching anti-Christian neo-Marxism that Starmer and his hungry-for-power front-bench team would prove to be.  

In an article for the Daily Mail in June 2022, ‘Revolutionary past that gives the lie to the notion that Keir Starmer is a moderate’, Peter Hitchens wrote: ‘Long ago in the sunny 1960s, I was myself a revolutionary Marxist, out on the dangerous edge of politics. Later, I was mixed up in the strange wild world of London’s Labour Party, in those days dominated by Ken Livingstone. And there I learned the codes and symbols of the Left, which most journalists do not know.

‘That ignorance is one of the many reasons why Sir Keir Starmer has risen to the top of the Labour Party without anyone really noticing what he is. You are about to find out. But why don’t you know already?’

Hitchens went on to show that ‘the facts about him are not secret. They are just in code. Note that I am not talking about Starmer the teenager or student, at a time when people might be expected to be a bit radical. I am talking about Starmer the young professional lawyer, in his late 20s’.

Hitchens cited a 2020 interview with Starmer in the New Statesman in which he was asked about his radical past in the 1980s when he was known as ‘red-green’, a label that, according to Hitchens, ‘combines social radicalism and identity politics with green zealotry’. ‘It explains Sir Keir’s studied hesitancy when asked about whether a woman can have a penis,’ Hitchens acidly observed.

When asked if he was still a ‘red-green’, Starmer enthusiastically responded: ‘Yeah!’ He also said in the same interview: ‘I don’t think there are big issues on which I’ve changed my mind. The big issue we were grappling with then was how the Labour Party, or the Left generally, bound together the wider movement and its strands of equality – feminist politics, green politics, LGBT – which I thought was incredibly exciting, incredibly important.’ 

The spiritual and moral battle lines in the struggle between Christian conservatism and neo-Marxism have been no better defined than in TCW’s Culture War statement: ‘We launched The Conservative Woman in 2014 as a counter-cultural offensive against the forces of Leftism, feminism and modernism – against the left-liberal cultural zeitgeist, to counter its anti-family, authoritarian identity politics and “equality and diversity” ideology which had swept through the country’s institutions.’ 

Orthodox Christianity conflicts with neo-Marxism on all the fronts listed here. To take a specific example, traditional Christianity emphasises the crucial role of active, committed, heterosexually married fathers for the nurture of stable families. But the tendency of the Left, in its drive to replace the traditional family with centralised state power, is to denigrate fatherhood as an instrument of oppressive patriarchy. 

This Marxist mentality is strongly present in the contemporary no-longer-very-Christian Church of England. When the Archbishop of York, Steven Cottrell, said at the General Synod in July 2023 that the word ‘Father’ in the Lord’s Prayer was ‘problematic for those whose experience of earthly fathers has been destructive and abusive, and for all of us who have laboured rather too much from an oppressively patriarchal grip on life’, women’s ordination campaigner the Reverend Christina Rees told the Daily Mail that the Archbishop ‘has put his finger on an issue that’s a really live issue for Christians and has been for many years’.

She added: ‘But I think the issues have come into sharp focus more with clergy abuse issues. Because sometimes the abuse victims have been abused by their birth fathers and gone on to be abused by their fathers in God – the local priest – so there are multiple layers why the term “Father” is really difficult for people in the church.‘  

That is the Leftist tactic in a nutshell. Focus on the minority of fathers and by extension in Rees’s argument, clergy who have been abusive,  to denigrate fatherhood in the round and ignore the appalling disadvantages that children growing up in fatherless families are experiencing in post-Christian Britain.

Farage is certainly respectful of the role of Christianity in shaping this country’s history. But respect needs to turn into conviction because the reality is that the people of this country have no chance of salvation in this world and the next without the Christian gospel, the free proclamation of which a ‘red-green’ Starmer regime would make increasingly difficult.

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Julian Mann
Julian Mann
Julian Mann is a former Church of England vicar, now an evangelical journalist based in Heysham, Lancashire.

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