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Monday, May 27, 2024
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HomeCulture WarHope Not Hate – the ‘charity’ built on deceit: Part Two

Hope Not Hate – the ‘charity’ built on deceit: Part Two

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This is the second part of Karen Harradine’s investigation into the activist ‘charity’ Hope Not Hate whose mission is to expose ‘far right extremism’. In the first part she laid bare HNH’s own (extreme) political bias. Today she examines HNH’s funding and its funders’ agendas.

HOW IS it that one small charity has come to have so much influence as to how politics are defined and who is branded as unacceptable? How is it that Hope Not Hate (HNH) has come to be the arbiter of what constitutes or defines ‘far right’ that the MSM and even centre-right political parties comply with? Does it simply reflect the energy of their ‘research’ activity and thought policing that seems very like smearing and shaming campaigns? Does HNH reflect the agenda and politics of their wealthy funders who encourage this? 

HNH’s website has little information about their backers. An EU Commission entry for the charity says it is ‘self-funded by parochial money, charitable trust(s), Trade Union funding and individual donations’. An FOI request arranged by What Do They Know however showed that an associated company, Hope Not Hate Educational Ltd (previously known as Searchlight Educational Trust) received government funding of £66,000 in 2012 from the Department for Communities and Local Government. And the 2020 Annual Report of HNH Charitable Trust (HNHCT) shows it received funding from the Home Office Counter Extremism Unit which gave it three grants totalling £75,401 in 2019, and a further £12,500 in 2020.  

The Charity Commission website which holds HNH’s past five annual financial reports shows that in 2022, HNHCT received £792,000, of which £715,000 came from donations, grants and legacies, from which a grant of £625,000 was made to HNH Ltd to ‘support its work in accordance with the key objectives of the Charitable Trust.’ 

HNH Ltd is classed as a small company under UK company law. Its directors legally chose not to publish an income and expenditure statement on the Companies House website which means little financial information is available. We can see where grant money comes into HNHCT but we can’t see the details of how it is spent as this information is held by HNH Ltd. In 2022, the average number of employees for HNHCT was seven, and the total employment costs were £132,205. In 2021, two staff members were paid a total of £140,098. No staff member is named other than Nick Lowles, its chief executive and founding director.

HNH has managed to secure a range of highly ‘progressive’ backers with clear ideological and political objectives. 

It has received £14,000 from Refugee Action and an organisation called Global Dialogue, partly funded by Comic Relief, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Open Society Foundations. 

In 2019, Global Dialogue gave HNH £40,520 and another £20,000 in 2020. (One of Refugee Action’s funders happens to be Islamic Relief UK, a subsidiary of Islamic Relief Worldwide which has suspected ties to terrorism and the Muslim Brotherhood.) 

£28,000 was given by the Barrow Cadbury Trust, founded in 1920 ‘to tackle profound social ills, including juvenile crime and urban poverty’, but today is committed to a typically establishment woke agenda of ‘putting diversity, equity and inclusion at the heart of everything we do’, addressing gender-based disadvantage and racism in all its forms while promoting sustainable development and addressing climate change. It is liberally progressive on migration, advocating ‘safe and accessible routes’. 

The Paul Hamlyn Foundation has donated to HNHCT in recent years: £10,000 in 2019, £125,750 in 2020, £118,000 in 2021 and £60,000 in 2022. The Foundation’s mission today is for ‘a world in which everyone is free to move, and no one is forced to move, and supports organisations that work towards this’.

The HNHCT 2022 financial report shows that it puts considerable resources into advising ‘migrants and refugees’ on the ‘far right threat’ and ‘activities around migrant hotels’. 

The Government uses HNH to disseminate propaganda in schools on ‘radicalisation’. The ‘deradicalisation units’ HNH operates in schools appear to be exclusively dedicated to combating ‘far right’ groups, but not to potential Islamist radicalisation that might take place, such as for example the terrorist grooming that Shamima Begum underwent. 

The HNH website boasts: ‘Our teaching materials on preventing radicalisation are featured on the Department for Education’s Educate Against Hate site, and their feedback on our resource was that it was the most useful material they had seen addressing radicalisation into the far right, and the most likely to have an impact among vulnerable young people.’ Their safeguarding guide, Signs of HATE, sent to safeguarding leads in every secondary school in England, is another source of pride. 

As well as this ‘far right’ spectre raising activity in schools, Lowles has been involved with the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on British Muslims that allowed Islamists from Muslim Engagement and Development (Mend) to advise on defining the fabricated concept of ‘Islamophobia’ which shuts down debate and scares citizens into silencing their concerns. Mendis an anti-Semitic, jihadi-supporting, liberal-Muslim-hating extremist group. 

Today, superficial, unsubstantiated labels of Islamophobia and ‘far right’ are slapped on to every organisation and person that contravenes HNH’s ‘kangaroo court’ style judgments. In the final part of this series I will report on these ‘cases’ and how they appear to be designed to silence views that are critical in any way of radical Islam.

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Karen Harradine
Karen Harradinehttps://www.conservativewoman.co.uk
Karen is an anthropologist and freelance journalist. She writes on anti-Semitism, Israel and spirituality. She is @KarenH777on Twitter.

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