THE shenanigans in Parliament over Boris Johnson’s failed attempt to prorogue the Commons has in the short term precipitated a crisis for the country and the Tory Party.
But in the long term, it offers an opportunity to rid the party of Leftist-liberal influences and steer the country on to a conservative road to social and economic development.
By aligning themselves with an array of Leftists, the 21 Tory mavericks, all Remainers, have pinned their colours to a new political mast.
Despite their proclaimed commitment to the party’s Brexit manifesto, all have been active in frustrating Brexit with wrecking amendments, campaigns for second referendums and a whole range of legal obstacles.
However, these Tories are not some kind of heroic insurgents against a purported Johnson dictatorship, but Establishment-defending cosmopolitans. Even less are they Conservative.
An eclectic mix of privileged bankers, lawyers, business people and career politicians, they may well have found Tory ritual appealing. But their socially liberal and internationalist outlook sets them apart from party members and Conservative voters, driving them to unite with Leftists to defend the EU’s political and social agenda.
Margaret Thatcher had her Wets, whom she eventually managed to contain. But since her fall, liberal entryists have sought to socially position the Tory Party on the left of the political spectrum with legislation that wouldn’t have been out of place in Lenin’s Soviet Union.
In this, successive Tory governments have been complicit with socialists in the destruction of traditional values which they should have guarded as a matter of principle. Should no-fault quick divorces or mandatory explicit sex education really be flagship policies of Conservative governments?
Brexit, however, offers Boris Johnson an opportunity not only to unshackle Britain from the EU, but also to rid the party of those who do not subscribe to a conservative vision of the country in the battle against the Leftist extremists who are menacing Britain with their radical social and cultural agenda.
Coming himself from a highly privileged background and not averse to liberal tendencies and opportunistic stunts, Johnson was perhaps not the best individual to take on the task of re-conservatising the Tory Party.
But since assuming the leadership, his determination to deliver Brexit has been impressive, as has his resoluteness against his opponents, which has registered well among voters.
The public is also crying out for a steadfast approach in solving Britain’s violence-riddled, broken society, caused by years of PC lunacy. And, at a time when the traditional political fault-line between the middle and working classes is collapsing – as illustrated by the displacement in many northern areas of the Labour Party with Nigel Farage’s conservative Brexit Party – there is much for an ideologically sound Tory Party to exploit.
Johnson has already assembled a Cabinet with a strong conservative hue. With the backing of the overwhelming majority of the Tory Party and with the country increasingly rallying to his cause, he has been given a rare opportunity to rescue Britain from its current malaise. If he succeeds, he will surely earn himself a place in history as an unexpectedly great Prime Minister.