ON June 17 Sasha Latypova, a retired pharmaceutical industry executive, gave an interview to Jan Jekielek, a senior editor of the Epoch Times, about the military machinery behind the global Covid-19 response. Latypova told him: ‘So right from the start there was a huge deception going on. They’re treating it as war and they’re telling people it’s a health event. They’re covering up military activity with this representation of health event and a response to a health threat.’
The ‘they’ Latypova is referring to is not China, which is currently under the spotlight due to the controversy over the origins of SARS-CoV2, a laboratory engineered virus. It is the American government to which Latypova has turned her attention after she reviewed redacted copies of the Operation Warp Speed contracts which were obtained through Freedom of Information requests.
‘They’re utilizing the structure of ordering countermeasures, ordering prototypes, with the Department of Defense ordering them from the pharmaceutical manufacturers under Defense Production Act, and under Other Transaction Authority,’ said Latypova. ‘Good manufacturing practices are not part of it at all.’
The US Department of Defense (DoD) dictionary defines a countermeasure as a ‘form of military science that, by the employment of devices and/or techniques, has as its objective the impairment of the operational effectiveness of enemy activity.’ Medical countermeasures (MCM) are ‘FDA-regulated products (biologics, drugs, devices) that may be used in the event of a potential public health emergency.’ This concept of countermeasure development for use in civilian populations in public health emergencies is a legacy of the administration of President George W Bush. The War on Microbes is a sub-genre of Bush’s War on Terror.
In 2004, Dr Robert Kadlec, a retired US Air Force Colonel who was President Bush’s Homeland Security Director of Biosecurity Policy, secured $5billion from Congress for Project Bioshield to ‘help America purchase, develop and deploy cutting-edge defenses against catastrophic attack’. Kadlec’s intention was ‘to create a guaranteed market incentive for pharmaceutical companies to produce Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear (CBRN) MCMs for which there is no commercial demand’. He used the money to purchase two vaccines, smallpox and anthrax, ordinarily reserved for military use and manufactured by the companies Emergent Biosolutions and Bavarian Nordic. They were being stockpiled for use in the event of a bioterrorism attack. Kadlec later worked for Emergent Biosolutions as a consultant and in 2014 both companies helped fund the Bipartisan BioDefense Commission he founded.
In 2006, Kadlec helped create PHEMCE, the Public Health Emergency Medical Countermeasure Enterprise, to oversee the ‘research, advanced development, procurement, stockpiling, deployment and utilisation of MCM’ during ‘intentional, accidental or natural’ public health and medical emergencies. The US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) oversees PHEMCE in conjunction with US DoD, Veterans Affairs, Homeland Security, the Department of Agriculture and as of 2019, the Director of National Intelligence. While Kadlec served as HHS’s Assistant Secretary of Preparedness and Response (ASPR) he was PHEMCE’s co-chair. PHEMCE is now co-chaired by the Director of the White House Office of Pandemic Preparedness and Response Policy (OPPRP). The Director is a former DoD official, Major General (Ret) Paul Friedrichs. The position itself was a new office created in 2022 by Congress.
The Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA) is the agency within HHS that delivers PHEMCE, working with ‘industry partners’ and funding the development of civilian medical countermeasures. Essentially, US government financing de-risks the development of these products by private companies, which the government then purchases and stockpiles. As HHS states in the current PHEMCE budget: ‘Although these MCMs may not have FDA approval at the time of initial delivery to the SNS (strategic national stockpile), they may potentially be used under investigational drug protocols, such as clinical trials or may potentially be used under the FDA provisions for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA).’
Under the legislative provisions for EUAs, it is the Secretary of Health and Human Services who directs the FDA to issue one. In another recent interview with Clayton Morris of Redacted, Latypova called the FDA oversight of the clinical trials a theatrical performance.
‘There’s a law on the books, 21-USC-360bbb, that says, “Emergency use authorized countermeasures under public health emergency cannot constitute clinical investigation.” If clinical investigation is not possible, then you cannot have clinical trials, you cannot have informed consent, you cannot have clinical trial subjects, or clinical trial investigators,’ she said, explaining that the pharmaceutical companies had been commandeered to produce the non-Good Manufacturing Practice compliant injectables.
‘People were never told “come over and get injected with countermeasure prototype’, were they? People were told, this is a vaccine. It’s safe and effective. It’s been tested rigorously,”
said Latypova. ‘By the way, no testing of safety has been done. They have not done any animal trials, not even started them before they started mass injecting people in human trials, and that’s a complete violation of all regulations everywhere in the world, including FDA [the US Food and Drug Administration]. They just went straight into people.’
In practice, the distinction between BARDA’s civilian-focused work and the military countermeasure projects overseen by the US military’s Defense Advanced Research Project Agency (DARPA) is becoming increasingly moot. In July 2019, Kadlec appeared in place of BARDA’s Director Dr Rick Bright at the Biodefense Commission ‘Manhattan Project’ forum saying, ‘We’re working to integrate our portfolios with DoD, to make them a co-chair on the emergency counter measures enterprise, PHEMCE. But it’s the whole notion that we can do things better when we work together and there’s a pattern of this already. Zmapp [a drug used to treat Ebola] and the Merck Ebola vaccine were all products of the DoD early pipeline that were transferred to BARDA to basically move them forward. And so I think there is a process here that is being expanded beyond these onesies and twosies that were done under the situation of an emergency [the Ebola PHEIC] which was in 2014, that we can routinize to basically do it across a domain to look at these kinds of products.’
Kadlec was no longer content with the occasional BARDA-sponsored product being authorised and had grander plans for new standard operating procedures. In 2020, Operation Warp Speed (OWS) was the vehicle he used to accelerate the PHEMCE enterprise, a big bang intended to expand the number of vaccine technologies in use. Kadlec told the Biodefense Commission that his Scientific Wild Assed Guess (SWAG) was that a biodefense Manhattan Project would cost $20-30billion. In the end the US government spent $18billion. President Trump said he invoked the Defense Production Act more than 100 times to facilitate OWS.
Pfizer’s $1,950,097,500 Operation Warp Speed contract with the US government is a letter of direction issued by the US Army to demonstrate its ‘capability to manufacture 100million doses of its currently unapproved mRNA COVID-19 vaccine for the government’. mRNA vaccines are a technology the military wanted for its Inner Armour rapid response vaccine programme. The prime contractor is classified as a ‘non-traditional defense contractor’. In addition, it was given absolute liability indemnification for making medical countermeasures against SARS-CoV2 through a February 4, 2020 declaration under the Pandemic Response and Preparedness (PREP) Act issued by the HHS Secretary Alex Azar. Kadlec drafted the PREP Act in 2006 when he was staff director of the Senate HELP (Health, Education, Labor and Pensions) Committee.
Pfizer were responding to a US Army ‘Request for Prototype Proposals’ for ‘COVID-19 Pandemic – Large Scale Vaccine Manufacturing Demonstration’ issued to members of the Medical CBRN (Chemical, Biological, Radiological & Nuclear) Defense Consortium (MCDC). The consortium was established by the US government after Congress expanded the scope of a provision of the National Defense Authorization Act enabling Defense agencies to use a fast-track contracting mechanism called Other Transaction Authority previously limited to the acquisition of weapons and weapons systems. MCDC’s purpose is to ‘support the DoD’s medical pharmaceutical and diagnostic requirements as related to enhancing the mission effectiveness of military personnel’. Pfizer’s base contract with the MCDC dates to 2018.
The US military defines a biological agent as a ‘micro-organism (or toxin derived from it) that causes disease’. Vaccines are regulated by the FDA as biological products, therefore they can be described as biological agents. The mRNA products instruct recipients’ cells to make a form of its spike protein, the most antigenic and, some researchers argue, toxic part of a coronavirus.
Since December 2020, 5.5billion people, 72 per cent of the global population, have been injected with Covid-19 vaccines commissioned under Operation Warp Speed by the US Army as countermeasure prototypes. Evidence is mounting that these OWS vaccines are ineffective at countering the virus while evidence simultaneously mounts linking them to increases in the incidence rates of cancer and cardiac diseases. The novel technologies used were hastily fast-tracked into human trials while Operation Warp Speed received material assistance from the UK Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA) who recklessly authorised them. By the US military’s own definition, the objective of a countermeasure is ‘the impairment of the operational effectiveness of enemy activity’. The injection of these countermeasure prototype vaccines which satisfy the US military definition of a biological agent into people has killed some recipients and permanently disabled increasingly large numbers of others, resulting in their ‘operational effectiveness’ as human beings being impaired. Even if it was not its intention, based on the measurable effects of their deployment, by the US military’s own definitions of terms used in OWS contracts, the products it commissioned amount to bioweapons.
From Monday August 21 we will be rerunning Paula Jardine’s cutting-edge series first published on TCW between January and April of this year on the long-running US bio-warfare programme that created an otherwise unobtainable commercial market for mRNA gene therapy vaccines.