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Thursday, April 25, 2024
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Immigration – you ain’t seen nothing yet

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IN EDWARD Gibbon’s The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire he observes that ‘the story of its ruin is simple and obvious’. He recounts the corruption of the army, the collapse of ‘government vigour’, ‘domestic quarrels’, the cowardice of rulers and, the tin lid as it were, observes that ‘the Roman world was overwhelmed by a deluge of barbarians’.

Today, of course, things are very different and – should you be tempted to report this article to one of the offices of multicultural offence-taking – I am not saying that all immigrants and their families are barbarians (in our stupid, increasingly totalitarian and self-righteous culture these qualifications are best made up front). But there again, some are barbarians. 

Gibbon’s observations occurred to me as it was forecast that the immigration figures for 2022, due to be published this month, could be as high as 700,000. This figure would be double the record high before Britain left the EU. One former senior Conservative minister said the Home Office is ‘losing control’ of immigration and the small boats crisis in the Channel. No, it has already lost control. The Mediterranean boat crisis and its sequel the Channel boat crisis have their roots in the toppling of Colonel Gaddafi. The Libyan dictator had held back mass illegal immigration in deals with the Italians, and warned the West what would happen if he were liquidated. But David Cameron, seemingly aping Tony Blair (the man he referred to as the master), was heavily involved in toppling Gaddafi. In the years after, Med boat arrivals from North Africa to southern Europe leapt from under 20,000 to more than 180,000. The migrant industry was now in full swing. When the first boats crossed the Channel in 2016 the government let it happen, and the problem has grown ever since.

The campaigning think-tank Migration Watch estimate that if the 2022 figures are even half the forecast amount, this puts the UK on target for an increase in population of about nine million (equal to the population of London) in the next 20 years. The Office for National Statistics estimates – no one really knows to a certainty – that the population of Britain in 2020 was 67million. An increase of nine million – and I would be happy to bet on it being far more than that – takes us to the foothills of 80million and beyond in this tiny, overcrowded, semi-bankrupt country. Public services are already choked and hopelessly oversubscribed, property largely unaffordable to the next generation, rents extortionate and, as figures revealed last week, a record 7.3million people are waiting for routine operations in an overwhelmed NHS: the same health service for which the government wrecked the economy in order, so the flim-flam went, to prevent it from being overwhelmed. 

Are you feeling stabbed in the back by the Conservative Party yet? If you held your nose and voted for this repellent, duplicitous organisation, you should be. It is more than a decade since Cameron, the entitled ‘blue’ Blair who was supposedly going to modernise conservatism, vowed to get immigration back to where it was before New Labour opened the floodgates in the late Nineties, changing the rules to encourage family and chain migration and ‘rub the right’s nose in diversity’. Of course, Cameron’s speech was so much hot air. Nothing happened.

New Labour’s immigration tsunami was one of the most devious political acts of the modern age. Not only did it set the country on the road to the intractable problems of housing and public services mentioned above, not only did it inflame the continuous divisions and factional skirmishing of today’s culture wars and identity politics, not only did it change the voting demographic to capture the country’s capital and great cities as woke socialist fiefdoms, it also – and some might say this was the Blairites’ sneakiest calculation – set a trap for the Tories: mass, uncontrolled immigration was the sweetest candy for big business and the people who pay to exercise influence over the Conservative front bench. It delivered a huge conveyor belt of menial labour, translating to tiny wage inflation over vast periods. It was a rallying cry to corporate greed. It was like giving free heroin to junkies. And if the fallout affected the general population negatively, the answer from the civil administrative elites was simply this: sod the public. For instance, there are five million on out-of-work benefits in Britain, a veritable standing army, yet the CBI’s mantra for years has been about growing the economy with immigration. 

But the sweetest candy can make you sick. By the time the country’s employers had settled down to enrich themselves with cheap labour, with the costs of health, benefits and social housing for new arrivals and the economically inactive passed on to ordinary taxpayers and small businesses (the big bosses usually find ways to avoid or reduce their bills to HMRC), with large areas of the country dramatically changed and the elites able to afford cheap domestic servants for the first time since the Thirties, bingo, the Brexit vote arrived and triggered that long bout of mass hysteria and bedwetting in the governing and financial classes.

In the political trench warfare following the referendum, the Tories realised with cretinous slowness the sheer extent of public rage, and eventually promised through gritted teeth to sort out immigration, get Brexit done and generally address the abuses of the previous low, dishonest decades. I didn’t believe a word of it: I was right not to.

Brexit derangement syndrome affected the entire British political class, all subscribers to anti-democratic, supranational technocracy. Much of the panic on the nominal right was about the flow of near-slave labour stopping. On the left, the fear was driven by the prospect of an end to their ideological fantasies of abolishing Britain as a functioning nation state and taking orders from Brussels and Davos. But they were also terrified that the stripping away of EU law would stop the permanent revolution of vast, unsustainable immigration.

As it turned out neither the right nor left should have worried. Two-and-half years on from the Tories winning a huge majority on those empty promises, carrying along the Red Wall of erstwhile Labour voters on a pack of lies, we are back where we started. The careless Boris Johnson has been defenestrated in a coup d’état begun by the Remainer Sajid Javid and his little pal Rishi Sunak – an important step, cutting off the promises of the general election by removing the man who made them – legal and  illegal immigration is more out of control than it has ever been, and the promised bonfire of EU laws has been junked because, the Times reports, ‘officials had not had the time to assess all the legislation’. The civil service, which TCW has called to be cut down to size, strikes again! The unelected political force of Whitehall mandarins has got its own way again, with the help of that EU cathedral, the House of Lords. 

The aim of the left is completely to alter the composition and functioning of society, and every left-wing party in the West knows that cannot be achieved without huge immigration. It is the number one tool. Contrary to its advertised purpose, the legitimising power structure of mass immigration, doctrinal multiculturalism (now rebranded ‘diversity’) is a policy aimed not at social cohesion: it was always, and remains, designed to disestablish Western bourgeois society and values. It is working like a dream on that front, and its most powerful helpers are in government right now, travelling under a flag of convenience laughably called conservatism.

Anything that both irresponsible capitalism and the left desire will almost always be bad news for the man in the street, and in the troubled years to come, when your GP will probably be an Apple smartwatch and mortgages are multi-generational commitments, this will be ever more apparent.

As this government’s reputation collapses under the weight of its own chicanery, it seems quite likely that soon the reins of power will be handed over to a party who will find affairs much to their liking. In other words, when it comes to immigration, you ain’t seen nothing yet.

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Robert James
Robert James
Robert James is a national newspaper journalist.

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