Jeremy Corbyn – fresh from his victory being voted in as party leader by his 500,000 mainly young, vociferous, largely female fan club – announced at the Labour Conference in Liverpool on Wednesday his plans on the great migration issue, which he usually does not discuss at all.
In his keynote speech he said migrants have made ‘an enormous contribution to the UK economy,’ he is ‘relaxed’ at the numbers coming in, 336,000 last year, but he recognises that some people, even in his own party, are a little worried about it. Magnanimously, as he does not share their fears, he proposes a £50 million ‘migration impact fund’ to help communities that have been affected by this mass movement of people.
He is a bit vague about how this money will be used, but his intention is that it will help us all get along with each other better in the future. It is good of him to mention this issue, but he knows that if his Labour Party is elected, their policies will vastly increase migration. He plans to dispense with border controls of any kind and called for action to stop employers using migrant workers to undercut the pay and conditions of home-grown staff – to do this, he will introduce a minimum wage of £10 an hour for all workers, which will also be a big pull to workers outside the UK.
Armed with the £50 million, paid for, like everything else, out of higher taxes, he intends to bring about community cohesion. It is not clear how this will work; the money it seems will be used to help white people get to see their doctors more quickly, so some of it must be going into GP services. He says it will also help that same difficult, complaining group to get their children into the local schools of their choice. It is hard to see how his funds will help migrants to feel any happier. Until now, ethnic communities in the UK have been free to enjoy all aspects of their own cultures, apart from allowing birds of prey to eat the corpses of the dead placed on the tops of mountains. Yet strangely, societal cohesion and community harmony has still not come about. The onus is surely still on the host community, armed with this new fund, to try harder.
I have some proposals which Jeremy and his young activists might like to consider.
All women in Britain should be veiled, if not with a full burka then the hijab, out of respect to members of the Asian community. Little English girls should have their legs and arms covered at all times when they are outside. This will deprive them of Vitamin D and cause rickets, but what is permissible to migrants must be permissible to all.
All meat shall be Halal. Slaughtering animals without first stunning them is in fact illegal, but that has not prevented a meat market worth an estimated £700 million being created in the UK. Halal meat is cheaper, especially if it is cut of the back of the beast which Muslims won’t eat. Instead, they sell it cheap and many shops and restaurants already take advantage of this, so let us give it proper legitimacy.
The age of consent under Islam is twelve, even younger in some parts of the Hindu community where child marriage is frequent. We should lower the age of consent to suit these groups and young girls be made available to Asian men, who are obviously driven mad by sexual repression. They cannot be expected to change that, but we can help them to overcome its worst effects and lead more tranquil lives.
More of our high streets should be abandoned to multi-occupation dwellings including beds in sheds, more betting shops and brothels. Have a look at Southall in west London for an example of how this largely black economy can be turned into a thriving culture, approved and created by many London councils. It supports many migrant people not yet assisted by Jeremy’s £10 an hour plan.
We must change our laws on voting. It can no longer be a case of one man, and I emphasise that gender, one vote. We must allow the individual to be subsumed by the group. Asian families and communities prefer to vote as one large block, wisely directed by their elder males. The police should keep well away from polling stations, which should be staffed and controlled by only people in that particular local community. Oh, sorry, I think that may already be the case, better strike that point off my list.
Young black men should be allowed to disrupt their school classes, form gangs if they wish and be free to carry knives and guns. As long ago as 1981, sections of the black community in London and Liverpool were calling out for the police to withdraw from their areas. Despite being rewarded for their heroism against the forces of institutional racism in the Brixton and Toxteth riots, the community still has not been granted exemption from arrest. The police did acknowledge their wishes during the last major London riot, by hanging back and refraining from arresting looters and arsonists, but their presence was still unwelcome.
There shall be no criticism of the social or cultural norms within the black community by white agencies. Again, that might already be the case. Social workers shall be employed on the basis of their ethnicity not on whether they can read and write. This is most important taking into account different cultural sensitivities. Regarding the Victoria Climbie case in 2000, it was recognised that her social workers had not been able to read a doctor’s report but they did correctly interpret her terror of her ‘carers’ as part of a ‘traditional African upbringing.’ The fact that that tradition went a bit too far is neither here nor there.
The last trial for witchcraft in the UK took place in 1717. It was abolished as a crime in 1737 but many members of the African community now living here believe sorcery is a crime worthy of death. We cannot allow sentimentality to get in the way of better community relations. Children should be killed if they are possessed by what some African communities term, ‘demons.’ Only Saudi Arabia, Tanzania, Gambia and Uganda still have the death penalty for witchcraft but in Britain it is possible to carry out the penalty covertly, encouraged by the fact that it is legal to accuse children of being witches and to pray for them to die.
There were fifty allegations of witchcraft against children in 2006. In June that year, the House of Lords voted against making it a crime to accuse a child of witchcraft. This followed a report by Eleanor Stobart, an independent consultant, who held discussions with social workers, teachers, police officers, voluntary workers and most importantly, members of black churches. She also worked closely with the Churches’ Child Protection Advisory Service.
Lord Roberts of Llandudno was afraid that bringing in a law to protect children would upset the African community. Instead he called for a ‘dialogue with African Churches in the UK to prevent those who are doing their ordinary job—doing it very well—being tarred with the same brush as some of the extreme sects that cause us so much concern.’
Baroness Morris of Bolton found that, ‘It is important that communities and Churches made up of good and decent people are not vilified. There remain deep concerns about the treatment of a number of children. Does the DfES report look into claims that some children born in Britain are being sent to the Congo, ostensibly to live with relatives, where they end up in appalling conditions in some of the revivalist Churches?’
She called for the full involvement of the African churches in the UK in any further plans to rectify this. Lord Adonis replying said that the Churches’ Protection Service had spoken to no less than 230 Congolese pastors in the UK about it.
‘We believe that we are making progress,’ he said, ‘but I do not minimise the gravity of the situation’
Happily he did, and nothing was done to protect African children from the primitive religious fervour of their parents and guardians. In December 2010, Kristy Bamu, age fifteen, was tortured and drowned by his sister Magalie Bamu and her partner Eric Bikubi who believed he was possessed by witchcraft. Countless other children have been removed from their homes in the UK and sent to Kinshasa where they live on the streets. But the noble Lords acted in the interest of better social cohesion and no one was offended.
Only this month, the British High Commissioner in Ghana admitted that there were about 800 women and 500 child witches were being held in special camps. It is obvious that there should be some attempt to set up similar camps here, as we do not want the Ghanaian community intimidated by the presence of witches wandering about freely in our streets. We are on our way to perfect cohesion, but not there yet.
The RSPCA should back off from suggesting that migrants from Eastern Europe should not keep their dogs locked in sheds or tied up outside their homes where they are seen chiefly as guard dogs, or that they should desist from the popular sport of dog fighting.
Polish folk dancing should be added to the national curriculum.
Of course, there is another way of increasing social cohesion, something radical which we have never yet been tried in Britain, and it is very, very cheap. We could just say to people coming to live and work here that we approve of certain types of behaviour but disapprove of others.
We could refuse to allow children to be married under the age of sixteen, accused of witchcraft, or circumcised when it is medically unnecessary. We could prosecute people carrying out those actions. The laws are already there, they do not have to be written afresh, just imposed with firmness.
We could say no to forced marriage, child abuse, squalid conditions in rental property, electoral fraud, and abuse of animals. That would certainly be a novelty; the stronger, more successful, indigenous culture asserting itself and refusing to bow and cringe before weaker cultures. After fifty years of increasing migration, it might even bring people together in mutual respect, nothing else has.