TO SPEAK of a love of your own people is hatred in the Empire. Love is for others, not for the likes of you. Your job is to vanish, to applaud your replacement and the rapid dissolution of everything you were. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban gave a speech at the end of July which was like a stone dropped in this pond. A pebble which plummeted, but refuses to break down. It has been called racist, which these days means some truth has been spoken that is unacceptable to power.
What was that truth?
Orban said that the West, and its idea of progress, has been in decline in spirit and in demography for years. To this he adds the sudden perception of the decline in Western power. The Empire has become desperate – so much so that it will sabotage the economy of Europe to wrest Germany away from cheap Russian gas. This, he knows, is a power play by the US, whose moves are now so circumscribed as to make such a crazy gambit necessary. Europe has been wrecked to preserve US influence. It is a theme familiar to many provinces of the Empire. Which is worse – to be an enemy or a friend? Russia booms and Europe rations. Orban repeats the old joke amongst European diplomats: ‘We have caught a Yank but he will not let go of us’ before presenting a summary of the Empire.
Orban begins: ‘What I want to say is that the West’s negative feelings about the world are due to the fact that the crucial energy and raw materials needed for economic development are no longer in the West’s hands. What it does possess is military power and capital. The question is what it can achieve with this in the present circumstances.’
The West does not dominate, militarily or otherwise. It does not control the means to feed and fuel itself. It is dependent but dangerous. Furthermore, it is dying in four distinct ways – population, migration, gender and war.
Orban’s crime in the eyes of the Liberal press is to mention The Camp of the Saints, which envisages a time when the starving billions of the Third World overwhelm the West, and the demographic destiny of Europe. He dares to say ‘no’ to anti-natalism, yes to babies and families and to the future of his nation. To speak of race from this point of view is to be Hitlerised, as I wrote here.
He laughs at how the EU has paused – only paused – its sanctions and legal hounding of the Hungarian government for the criminal act of securing its own borders. He mentions how Salvini is being criminalised for attempting the same in Italy. Salvini is of course a Fascist. People who seek to protect their own people are called bad names, and their lives are to be ruined. Ruined in court, then by replacement, migration.
He dares to countermand the madness of gender identity, the aggressive promotion of sex without procreation. It produces a gratification-oriented self, having no need of any outward connection other than a new location into which to spill its lusts. To pivot from perversion to productive ways of life is an outrage. This is the third ground for the Hitlerisation of Orban.
Finally Orban utters the heresy of peace. He calls for a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine, reminding us that such a move can only be made between the US and Russia. Europe cannot maintain its own guarantees, such as those of the Minsk Agreement, and so it is to the power of the US we must turn to compel Ukraine to honour it.
On the matter of energy, on the preservation of the way of life of his people, and on the likely status of Hungary as a refuge for Christians, Orban is oriented toward the future. He welcomes his own replacement by serious-minded and younger politicians.
His is a message of hope, reinforced by practical wisdom and policies popular because they are for, and not against, the people he is elected to protect. For this he is vilified, but his strategy is credible and realistic. His example will provide for a counterpoint to the collapsing Empire, which in Europe divides into regional factions. His is a programme of prudence, of stability, when around his homeland things will continue to fall apart.
Economics divides the European South from the North, with the North increasingly unwilling – or unable – to subsidise the permanent deficits of the South. Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, Spain – once called the PIIGS – cannot expect a de-industrialising Germany to continue to float them.
A second issue divides West from East, according to Orban. ‘Migration has split Europe in two – or I could say that it has split the West in two. One half is a world where European and non-European peoples live together. These countries are no longer nations: they are nothing more than a conglomeration of peoples. I could also say that it is no longer the Western world, but the post-Western world. And around 2050, the laws of mathematics will lead to the final demographic shift: cities in this part of the continent – or that part – will see the proportion of residents of non-European origin rising to over 50 per cent of the total.’
This is a completely unacceptable fact in both senses: to utter it is to be condemned, to allow it to happen is unforgivable. The first sense is the perspective of Empire, the second of the subject peoples. This is a third tension in Europe which Orban does not mention, and one which will, in my opinion, hasten the transition to Bonapartism. Such divisions between population and power are unsustainable. You cannot build a stable future on the exclusion of the people from the process of political power.
In summary, there is no future for the Empire in its current form. Of course, the United States will continue to exist. Perhaps it will retire from Europe, to dominate once more its own hemisphere. Perhaps Europe itself will not long survive, its policies flowing downhill from a power whose interests demand that its allies are destroyed.