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Vaccines are the problem, not the cure


IF any suspicions remain that rational thought drives public health, this account should put paid to that idea.

An article by F William Engdahl entitled Toxicology vs Virology: The Rockefeller Institute and the Criminal Polio Fraud traces the origins of the edifice of virology constructed by the Rockefeller Medical Research monopoly during the first half of the 20th century. The emergence of virology as a field, and its exponential growth, has obvious and significant relevance for today’s belief-system in viruses as causal agents of disease. 

The article relates how the Rockefeller Institute was founded from the Standard Oil fortune in 1901 to become America’s first biomedical research institute, and how it gained control over medical education and the flow of information to medical professionals, as well as influence over lawmakers. Through generous endowments, its director Simon Flexner exercised vast power over universities and medical schools, gaining control over their teaching curriculum down to the selection of professors. By the same means, Flexner also controlled the American Medical Association (AMA), whose compliant head, George H Simmons, was also its influential journal editor. The association enabled Flexner to publish unchallenged articles and studies promoting Rockefeller drug interests to 80,000 American doctors.

In the early 1900s a sickness in children, often in the summer months, known as ‘infantile paralysis’ and characterised by high fever, enteritis, pain in the extremities and paralysis, was named by Flexner poliomyelitis – inflammation of the spinal cord’s grey matter.

In 1909 Flexner published a paper in the AMA Journal claiming he and a colleague had isolated a pathogen which was responsible, and referred to it as the poliomyelitis virus. The claim was nothing more than a loose assumption with no solid scientific basis.

By 1911, Flexner and the Rockefeller Institute had managed to get the symptoms of polio entered into the US Public Health Law as ‘a contagious, infectious disease caused by an air-borne virus’, thereby shutting down any serious investigation into alternative explanations for the paralysing sickness, such as exposure to chemical pesticides or other toxins.

Once the Rockefeller Institute had embedded the concept, albeit devoid of evidence, that infantile paralysis was caused by ‘an infectious virus’, it was just a small step for them to claim smallpox, mumps, measles and yellow fever were also caused by specific ‘viruses’.

From 1945, there was a veritable explosion of children in the US being diagnosed and hospitalised with polio, but fewer than one per cent were tested via blood or urine samples; more than 99 per cent were diagnosed by the presence of symptoms.

This coincided with the US government’s approval of DDT for general use. In 1943 it had been authorised for use on US soldiers to combat head lice, mosquitoes and other insects. After the war chemical companies were looking for new markets, and DDT was promoted as a ‘miracle’ chemical for agricultural and general domestic use. This was despite the fact that in 1944 government researchers who studied the cumulative toxicity of DDT concluded: ‘The toxicity of DDT combined with its cumulative action and absorbability from the skin places a definite health hazard in its use.’

Warnings were ignored and reports suppressed, and between 1945 and 1952 DDT production increased tenfold as cities sprayed beaches, parks and swimming pools with it. The US Department of Agriculture advised farmers to wash their dairy cows in a solution of DDT and the even more toxic BHC (benzene hexachloride). By the late 1940s America’s crops and orchards were being aerial sprayed with DDT from sea to shining sea. Housewives were encouraged to spray their kitchens with a DDT aerosol, as well as their children’s rooms and mattresses.

Officially listed polio cases went from some 25,000 in 1943 to 280,000 in 1952.

In late 1950 and 1951 Dr Morton Biskind, a physician who had treated hundreds for DDT poisoning, testified to the US House of Representatives on the possible link between paralytic polio and toxins. He explained that the most prominent features of DDT poisoning were gastroenteritis, recurrent nervous symptoms and extreme muscular weakness.

He said: ‘The introduction for uncontrolled general use by the public of the insecticide DDT, and the series of even more deadly substances that followed, has no previous counterpart in history . . . This is the more surprising as, at the time DDT was released for public use, a large amount of data was already available in the medical literature showing that this agent was extremely toxic for many different species of animals, that it was cumulatively stored in the body fat and that it appeared in the milk.’

In 1952, Dr Ralph R Scobey also gave evidence to Congress as part of an investigation into the possible dangers of chemicals in food products. Scobey was a critic of the Rockefeller Institute’s rush to judgement that polio was caused by a virus, and by extension was contagious. He pointed to the fact that for half a century polio investigations had assumed only one direction, excluding any studies into autochthonous (originating from within) chemical substance.

By the early 1950s farmers were seeing the severe effects of DDT on their cattle, and US Senate hearings on DDT and polio in 1951 led to a significant decline in the use of the toxic chemical.  Between 1952 and 1955 polio cases fell year on year.

This did not prevent the Salk polio vaccine, in development since 1953 and funded by the Rockefeller Institute, from mass administration by 1956. Paralysis and deaths as a result of the vaccine were brushed under the carpet, and cases of polio-like spinal cord nerve diseases – acute flaccid paralysis, chronic fatigue syndrome, encephalitis, meningitis, Guillain-Barré syndrome and muscular sclerosis – rose.

In his book The Real Anthony Fauci,  Robert F Kennedy Jr relates how following Fauci’s seminal meeting with Bill Gates in 2000, Gates ‘went to war on polio in India’. Gates took control of India’s vaccine oversight panel, the National Advisory Board (NAB), and under his control the NAB mandated a barrage of 50 polio vaccines for each child in several key Indian provinces before age five. The result was that between 2000 and 2017 a devastating vaccine-strain epidemic of acute flaccid myelitis – a disease formerly classified as ‘polio’ – paralysed 491,000 children in these provinces, in direct proportion to the number of polio vaccines that Gates’ minions administered in each area.

In the book RFK dispels the myth that vaccines played a key role in the dramatic decrease in infectious diseases in the first half of the twentieth century.

He informs us that both science and history dismiss this popular orthodoxy; that an exhaustive study by the CDC and Johns Hopkins scientists in 2000 published in Pediatrics concluded: ‘Vaccination does not account for the impressive declines in [infectious disease] mortality seen in the first half of the [20th] century . . . nearly 90 per cent of which occurred before 1940 when few antibiotics or vaccines were available.’

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Serena Wylde
Serena Wylde
Serena Wylde is multi-lingual with a keen interest in law and ethics.

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